Tuesday, November 11, 2008

Liberalism versus the Rest

Liberalism versus the Rest by Sauvik Chakraverti

There is hope for liberalism as compared with all other political ideologies only because we do not require coercion for the fulfillment of our political ideals. Since all other political creeds require coercion, they are foredoomed to failure because there is an limit beyond which none will submit to authority. For this crucial reason, based on an appreciation of the limits to coercion as well as a principled understanding of the legitimate use of coercive powers, liberalism is destined to prevail over all competing political visions. It is only a matter of Time, writes Sauvik Chakraverti.

Antidote

Surely the first question any aspiring 'representative of the people' must ask himself is: What is the role of the State in a free (or democratic) society? To Raj and the Thackeray parivar, to Narendra Modi and the sangh parivar, to Buddhadev Bhattacharya and the communist parivar, just as it always was for the Nehru parivar, it seems perfectly apparent to me that their idea of State is 'an institution that protects us from injustices, except those it commits itself' (Ibn Khaldun, Muqaddima, circa 1350).

The reason behind this eclipse of reason is not difficult to find. Coercion is their motto not because they are anti-democratic, but precisely because they are democratic. The process we call democracy in India is riddled with coercion. Anyone who runs a political party holds vast powers over all members; a political party is a power hierarchy based on 'hegemonic relationships'. (Business hierarchies are 'contractual'.) When politicians vote within democratic assemblies, each member must respect the orders of his 'party whip'. The very term reeks of coercion. Then there is the Party High Command (or Politburo). Theirs is the 'vote motive'. Or is it 'rent motive'? Compared to these motives, the 'profit motive' is innocent: shubh laabh.

Raj Thackeray is 'political' in the sense that he seeks to represent a majority. He is the leader of a 'recognized' political party and has powers over 'party cadres': they follow his orders. Now, this is true of all political parties. It is because of this very reason that Roberto Michels propounded his Iron Law of Oligarchy way back in 1915: "Hierarchical political parties can never yield a classless, socialist society," he wrote. "Where the instrument is hierarchical, how can classlessness result?"; adding, most accurately, "socialism will fail at the moment of its adherents' triumph."

The politics of Thackerayism, Moditva, Buddhadevism, Lalooism, and Nehruvianism are all 'legitimate': all these recognized, hierarchical political parties swear by 'socialism', as defined not only in the Constitution of India, but in their party constitutions as well. But the reality of hegemonic power relations within each party hierarchy should wake us up to the fact that the way we are headed is not the classlessness of socialism, but something diabolical. It is politics without principle, based on coercion. It is aimed at taking control of the dysfunctional State – which provides access to further coercion, through legislation, through taxation, and through manipulation of the police and the administration. Never will we attain the ideal of Socialist Equality if we continue with this socialist democracy. It will always be arbitrary coercion. Oligarchies will rule. Chaos will follow.

In vivid contrast, Liberalism begins not with coercion, but with voluntary co-operation in markets: the natural order of natural liberty. Voluntary exchanges in the market order must be free, we believe. We therefore oppose legislation on 'victimless crimes' like gambling, prostitution, and ganja peddling. To us, coercion is an actionable tort, and a very grave matter indeed. We dream of a coercion-free natural order. That is why our ideal State is but a provider of Justice, whose only role in a free society is to act against those who disrupt the market order with their unjust actions. Nothing else.

This is Liberty under Law. It yields Freedom and Property, not Equality. To liberals, socialist ideas of Equality are a dangerous deception. The highest political values of liberalism are Freedom and Justice. Yet, we are barred from political participation while Raj Thackeray is legit. "Fair is foul and foul is fair," as Macbeth's witch put it.

To grasp the enormous amount of coercion that Raj Thackeray has unleashed on a very poor minority, recall that at least 50,000 north Indians have fled the state of Maharashtrasince he began flexing his Maratha muscles. Why did so many run for their lives?

Unveiled threats are also coercive. Because these threats were not countered by immediate and stern State action, they were deemed imminent by all concerned, who fled. Specific provisions of the Indian Penal Code outlaw political hate speech of the kind Thackeray delivered; but then, the Indian police is itself rooted in arbitrary coercion, and is the very anti-thesis of the 'rule of law', thanks to 60 years of socialist misgovernment.

So, what would happen if liberals took over? Whom would we throw out? This is relevant given that all these politicians place before the voter their own idea of a 'class enemy'. To Raj Thackeray, north Indians are the enemy. To Modi, it is non-Hindoos. Who then are the enemies of Liberalism?

The enemies of liberalism are all those who coerce the rule-following citizenry. Today, apart from some recognized political parties, who must be defeated by State action, the biggest profiteers from arbitrary coercion are the police and the taxation bureaus. A liberal government's first task will be to bring these coercive bureaus to heel. The police must protect petty traders, not loot their surpluses. Taxation must be linked to services provided. Today, taxation is arbitrary and excessive – like those on civil aviation, which transfer business to the unsafe railways. Tolls on stretches of our 'notional highways' are double-taxation, as we already pay dedicated road taxes on automotive fuels. Since we pay the taxes, proper highways must be built as 'freeways'. Similarly, the excise department must be stripped of all licensing powers, so the business of alcohol retailing can be free. Further, the customs department must either be abolished (like octroi), or a small 'revenue tariff' should be levied on select, bulk imports. A minimalist State requiring minimal taxation: that is the liberal ideal.

Where masses are poor, taxation must be lighter still. If liberals come into positions of authority and responsibility, it is not the Muslim or the Bihari who should fear for his life – but the police, the excise, the customs, the income tax: these coercive bureaus will feel the heat. And that's a promise.

To conclude: There is hope for liberalism as compared with all other political ideologies only because we do not require coercion for the fulfillment of our political ideals. Since all other political creeds require coercion, they are foredoomed to failure because there is an limit beyond which none will submit to authority. For this crucial reason, based on an appreciation of the limits to coercion as well as a principled understanding of the legitimate use of coercive powers, liberalism is destined to prevail over all competing political visions. It is only a matter of Time.

A version of this article appeared in the New Indian Express, on 23 March 2008. Please read it here.

Author : Mr Chakraverti is the author of two volumes of Antidote (Macmillan Publishers)

http://www.indefenceofliberty.org/story.aspx?id=1053&pubid=763

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